However, trade unionists knew that the NLRB had not only failed to adequately fulfill its federal mandate to safeguard workers' rights, but instead increasingly actually functioned to defer, delay, and sometimes even block the ability of women and men working in the U.S. to exercise their rights on the job without fear of intimidation or retribution.

As a way of drawing national attention to this failure, Jobs with Justice, a coalition of labor, community, faith-based and student organizations organized a National Day of Action against the NLRB on May 27, 1993. The action included sit-ins and other strategies that shut down NLRB offices in 26 cities around the country. These actions made their point as more than 10,000 people took part, and 1000 were arrested.

But those involved in organizing the Day of Action knew that it had to be the beginning of a longer-term campaign, rather than an end in itself. Transforming the NLRB, if it could be accomplished at all, would be an arduous and time-consuming process; in the meantime, workers trying to exercise their right to organize were still being intimidated and often fired. They couldn't wait for far off reforms. With the help of well-paid union-busting law firms, the boss was still able to use the NLRB process as a way to stall action on worker complaints, often drawing out cases for years. Workers needed immediate attention to their situations-they needed an alternative to the NLRB.

Conversations then began between Jobs with Justice and the unions involved in the NLRB actions on establishing an alternative structure to advocate for workers' rights, and especially the right to organize. What was needed was a formal body that would be willing and able not just to hear worker complaints, but also to ACT on those complaints, promptly and strategically. This need was met by the formation of the WORKERS' RIGHTS BOARDS.

Workers' Rights Boards are thus a kind of organic outgrowth of a strong JwJ coalition. Members are usually invited to join the board from among volunteer activists already working with a JwJ coalition, and other allies suggested by those activists. These can include alderpersons and state representatives; ministers, priests, rabbis and other religious leaders, organizers and activists from public housing coalitions, advocates for the homeless, immigrant and refugee rights advocates and community living-wage groups; academics, researchers, and other educators. Some Board members will be able to play a more active and varied role than others, but all will commit to "being there" as often as possible to defend workers.

Therefore Workers' Rights Boards draw members not only from the ranks of solid union supporters but also from amongst those who simply believe in respect, fairness and dignity and are looking to do something in service of those principles. Importantly WRB members are recruited on this basis as well as with the presumption that their power in the community will either have a direct impact on employers or on the workers involved in local economic justice struggles.

The East Tennessee Jobs with Justice' Workers' Rights Board began in 2004. it has convened three hearings during that time: on the rights of a fired UT worker, on workers' health care insurance issues, and on the impact of local job outsourcing on working families. The Right to Organize is the fourth hearing during East Tennessee's Workers' Rights Board first year.